The Lesson of National and Social Security
Spencer B. Meredith, III: Why It Took So Long: Closing Dangerous Nuclear Reactors in the European Union
The next few years are important for the European Union. The last Soviet-designed nuclear reactors in the Union are scheduled to close by the end of the decade, bringing to an end nearly twenty years of diplomatic pressure by Western officials. The biggest challenge has been getting certain Eastern European governments to see the need to shutdown the worst of their nuclear reactors. Membership in the Union was the strongest incentive, but the process took much longer than expected. Why was it so difficult for these governments to accept that the long-term benefits of membership far outweighed the immediate costs? This article examines the causes for the bitter debates that occurred prior to accession, and why it took so long to get there.
Richard R. Weiner: Complementary Institutions and Reflexive Governance in Autonomous Social Law
Utilizing a sophisticated strategy in comparative labor law, the concept of complementary institutions, this article traces genealogically and operatically a critical sociology of the law-creating capacity of associations. In so doing, the pioneering work of Harold Laski in the second and third decades of the twentieth century is redeemed as anticipating autonomous social law under girding a mutually-willed normativism rather than the normativism of willing sovereigns. Specifically traced is the unfolding of the governance of social law tradition of the Weimar Republic labor lawyers Hermann Heller and Franz Neumann, unfolding and evolving half a century later as reflexive law where autonomous spheres self-referentially and self-critically relate to each other as reflexive governance, heterarchy and poly-contexturality. Following the leads of Guenther Teubner and Charles Sabel, the critical sociology of law and association is transformed from discursive and argumentative institutionalisms to a network institutionalism where institutional complementarity, the interweaving of colliding discourses, and the reciprocity/rapports of new modes of protocolism suggest alternatives where paths seemed obstructed.
Vladimir Rukavishnikov: Temptation of missile defense. The USA-Russia dispute and the public response on new threats.
This paper discussed President Bush’s missile defense plan as well as Russia’s coherent ‘asymmetric’ answers to its implementation into practice, stressing the point that pure technical means are not sufficient. The increase of US military presence in Central Europe is hardly only Russia’s concern, therefore the public response on the missile defense deployment in the USA, Russia and Central Europe are considered here as well. After Sept. 11, 2001 and the US withdrawal from the 1972 ABM Treaty in 2002, and until recently Russia’s president Putin was very tolerate towards the American ‘war against terror’ policy. Russia opposed the US NMD plan, but could not prevent the emergence of a new American bases with interceptors and a radar station near its western borders. For the Russians, it is a serious problem that could endanger both the Russian-American relations and European security.
György Schöpflin: Authoritarian Capitalism and Sovereign Economic Actors
There is a generaly accepted, that a dictatorship can coexist with markets, and for democracy a market is a necessary condition. What this proposition does not analyse, is the nature and quality of these phenomena, what we mean by authoritarianism and how our social and political life should be determined by market actors? Globalisation has added an intensifier to the question, in that supra-state market actors can affect democratic politics in virtually any state in the world and multinationals do exactly this. But the ”money has no odour” and an investment is an investment regardless of where it comes from. By 2000 non-Western actors entered the scene and many of these were closely tied to authoritarian states.Western states are not Platonic actors either and they are ready to use their political weight if that produces an advantage, the Anglo-Saxons included. The West should rapidly construct the necessary instruments of control over both types of economic actor, multinationals as well as sovereign economic actors, but re-establishing control over the multinationals would in any case set a useful precedent and legitimate action targeted at authoritarian capitalists.
Konstantinos J. Papadoulis: Whither Post-communist Political and Public Policy Research and Analysis?: a Comparative Approach
After the collapse of the communist regimes scholars have employed a number of different and most useful researches and analyses and a host of new concepts and questions in attempting to put the post-communist systems, processes, structures and practices in a comparative context. However, it is debatable whether they are contributing much new about the broader study of politics and especially of state-reformation and public policy analysis of the post-communist countries. This article critically reviews the existing approaches and their literatures and concludes by arguing that an overall public policy and state reformation perspective is the most interesting and revealing for post-communist societies.
Sylvia María de Jesús Valls: Tentative Profile of Legitimate Democracy
This ´´tentative profile of alegitimate democracy´´ attempts to give directives towards the procurement of a democracy that will be worthy of its name. It sets forth the possibilities that communications technologies and our increasing interconnectedness offer to create new realities more in keeping with human aspirations. The legitimate/illegitimate distinction touches upon the sustainability of a ´´democracy´´ that relies on the destructive competition among political parties for funds that will make ´´winning´´ possible. Alternatives to the insecurity produced by the war economy are outlined as part of the boons of creating a truly legitimate democracy able to give every human being the status of citizen. The peaceful dismantling of the nation-state in favour of bioregional and inter bioregional organization is hereby proposed with unprecedented insights regarding a possible solution in the hybrid nature of the modern state. The need for equitable participation by women in the decision making processes stressed as is the un-sustainability of the criminalization of any and all consensual activity that does not manifestly harm third parties. Other common practices and attitudes whose usefulness is questioned, in passing, include the habitual imposition of “secret voting” as “democratic” and the “goodness” or wisdom of prohibiting child labour.
Csaba Varga: “Radical Evil” on Trial (On the Historical Setting, Political Aspects and Legal Conditions of Transitional Justice Facing the Crimes of Dictatorial Regimes)
In an essay reconsidering the historical overview given partly posthumously by the late liberal criminal lawyer and legal philosopher Carlos Santiago Nino, with reassessing a few political dilemmas about, as well as moral motives and legal arguments for and against, the judicial way of coping with the criminal legacies of posterior dictatorial regimes under the rule of law, it is concluded that the usual excuses (referring to lack of agency, necessity, lawful defence, due obedience, statute of limitations, the selectivity of punishment and/or the act of self-amnesty) hardly represent any unrefutable defence value. The genuine issue in the background is the priority of practical problem-solving in law as well, that can only be the result of careful pondering and balancing, with the firm determination that no representative of the legal profession may side with any limiting position without own sober assessment, when conflicts of values and/or interests are at stake. Or, the law’s instrumentality is always by far richer than any particular formula actually applied in everyday routine.
József N. Szabó: The Role of the Hungarian Non-Governmental Participants in the Diplomatic Connections with the Western Countries
The democratic professionals fully recognized the desperate situation of the country after the war – the danger of isolation – so they wanted to find arguments that reduce the responsibility of Hungary for the war. It was therefore not surprising that the civilian organizations that came into being in a period when Hungary’s international reputation was at all-time low made gestures and initiatives that they hoped would re-integrate Hungary into the community of democratic nations again. The powers that had a powerful influence in laying the foundations of the new world order. All actions and efforts of the civilian organizations, the cultural and scientific events, emphasized the universality of human civilization, the need of cooperation, the friendship of nations and the shared humanistic values. Cultural associations and societies, however, did not confine their activities to culture and science. They sought for, and found, points of meeting between Hungary and other nations in various fields of life. Culture was able to connect nations to each other through these organizations. Building confidence and mutual trust was one of the most important parts of the mission the civilian organizations fulfilled. Finding common historic roots was important as it was expected to serve as a foundation upon which a more peaceful future would be built.
David Furmann: Politics and Anti-politics: Interpretations of Hungarian Romanticism in the Inter-war Period
This essay deals with interpretations Hungarian historiography constructed on national Romanticism in the inter-war period. Moreover, it also intends to find and reveal the quintessence of these views. Though no one can avoid dealing with literature, the author intend to focus on the political dimension of Romanticism. In this interpretation, Romanticism was a mystic, religious, past-oriented phenomenon, for which national ‘Virtue’ was the key concept. He inserts Romanticism into his own political conception using it as a symbol of ‘Conservatism’, thus the counterpart of ‘Liberalism’. Though he admits that the reformist Graf Széchenyi was not a real conservative in his age (at that time, usually representatives of Hungarian pro-Habsburg aristocracy was defined as Conservative), he sees the Revolution as the turning point of the century.